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Indonesia's Presidential election: Who is Jusuf Kalla?

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In Brief

In about a week’s time, on the 8th of July, the Indonesian presidential election will be held. All presidential contestants have been under intense scrutiny recently including the incumbent vice-president Jusuf Kalla. He had announced in February 2009 that he would not be returning as the running mate of the current President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). Instead, he would be jockeying for the coveted position himself under the covering fire of former military strongman General Wiranto.

Writing about Jusuf Kalla (JK) in the 2009 presidential election is an encore for me because I wrote an op-ed piece for the Financial Times on the 2004 presidential election. I remember my stance on Jusuf Kalla then was negative because there was popular belief that as a student activist, he was behind the burning of churches in Makassar in 1967. That is how he was branded as being anti-Christian.

Kalla inherited and developed the family business after the demise of his father, Hadji Kalla; and as a businessman he inevitably had to compete with other businessmen, be they Chinese-Indonesian or foreign. It was then that he was branded anti-Chinese and anti-foreign.

However, my view of Kalla gradually became positive because of the role he played in resolving the Muslim-Christian conflicts in Maluku (the Malino I Agreement) and Poso, in Central Sulawesi the (Malino II Agreement). He achieved this single-handedly during his time as coordinating minister for the People's Welfare during Megawati Soekarnoputri's presidency.

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He was successful because he had the legitimacy of being an East Indonesian leader. That dispelled my basic distrust of him as being anti-Christian.

As Vice President, Kalla showed much-needed leadership and resoluteness in facing Islamic extremism in Indonesia. A case in point was his quick action following the death of key Jamaah Islamiyah activist Dr. Azhari, in Batu, East Java, in November 2005, when he ordered the seizure of  propaganda materials and CDs containing JI’s extremist ideology.

Kalla was taken aback by those materials, and took the initiative of calling the leaders of Muslim organizations (including very conservative ones) to a meeting at his residence to show them the materials. He demanded of them whether that was the kind of ideology they wanted to adopt in Indonesia. If it wasn’t, he challenged them to find ways of confronting it and winning over its adherents.

The leaders present made a pledge to counter extremism in their own ways and to cooperate to prevent the subversion of Islam in Indonesia. As a leader, Kalla has the commitment and authority to exert his influence over Muslim leaders to fight extremist activities.

His main achievement was undoubtedly the Aceh Peace Agreement, which put to an end 23 years of civil war and insurgency. On his own initiative, he began approaching the leaders of the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) in October 2004, before his move to the vice president’s office. The suffering and destruction wreaked by the tsunami in 2006 led Kalla to use it as an impetus to strengthen his efforts to seek the final resolution of the Aceh conflict.

In addition, he made great efforts to help and support the Papuan quest for special autonomy, although the situation in that province was more complicated, due partly to the tribalism that prevails there.

Overall, Kalla has done a lot to support the SBY government, especially in economics. He is pragmatic in his economic outlook, and has been open enough in his view on globalization, despite retaining some previous biases from his business days about how Indonesia has to build its national economy.

The current economic crisis calls for a strong role of government, but examples of the failures of socialism are still fresh, and globalization remains the main trend in the international economy. Kalla should be able to balance these two aspects of the economy.

Another asset is his quick mind and willingness to answer questions.  However this openness and egalitarian approach sometimes translates into shallow thinking – some of his answers are gut reactions, especially on issues he does not know very well.

More troubling for Indonesia is the criticism concerning the businesses he and his family operate. While everybody is entitled to do business, holders of elected office must make sure there is no whiff or smell of conflict of interest between the family and the state.

People’s trust in clean government is absolutely necessary, without it office holders are not able to run the government. It is a sacrifice, but a necessary one for the good of the people and for the practice  of good governance. This is especially important in Indonesia’s young democracy.

Jusuf Wanandi is vice chairman for the CSIS Foundation’s board of trustees.

This article is adapated from an earlier version, first published on 23 June in The Jakarta Post

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