Second, when we examine the Chinese military buildup, we find that there may be less there than some might have us believe. The Chinese war machine is not quite as threatening – although still worrisome – as some fear.

Instead of Washington’s perspectives shaping Asia-Pacific affairs coercively, the rise of China is likely to see a new paradigm in international affairs. The nascent ‘Beijing Consensus’, for want of a better term, would consist of the following attributes: The leadership role of the authoritarian state, a technocratic approach to governance, an emphasis on social rights and obligations over individual rights, a reassertion of the principles of national sovereignty and non-interference, support for freer markets and stronger regional and international institutions.

The bottom line for Desker is that Asia’s shared values are likely to reduce the risk of conflict and result in regional pressure for an accommodation of, and engagement with, China rather than a confrontation with it.
Maybe, but you’d want to take a few insurance policies out on that, not to mention how the established powers, like America, will adjust so smoothly to the rise a new paradigm in Asia and the Pacific as Desker reckons.

Last week, Desker dumped on Prime Minister Rudd’s idea of an Asia Pacific Community on a visit to Canberra. Rudd’s idea is directed at ameliorating the political and security tensions that will surely accompany the changing structure of regional power. Desker might turn out to be right; but that’s far less likely if we don’t work hard to put in place like arrangements like the one that Rudd proposes to ease pressures from the seismic shifts in political power that are taking place in our region. See Geoffrey Barker on why the complex reality of our region more than justifies Kevin Rudd’s proposal for a regional community.